Nincs absztrakt.

Nincs absztrakt.

The study argues that the process of professionalization is strongly tied to time (for example electoral terms, government appointments), and that it can be analysed in cases of rather vaguely defined professional groups, such as that of politicians. Although this type of occupation cannot be fully described by traditional sociological categories, it is characterised by a kind of group identity, and can be described to have typical professional training curves, specific internal and external norms, specialisations, and even a layer in the political scene that pursued politics as a long-term profession supported by family networks. The transformation on the conceptual level also indicates professionalization: by the second half of the nineteenth century professional groups emerge in the world of politics, in the way Max Weber described in his wellknown 1919 lecture. The study suggests that the professionalization of politics is not directly dependent on the processes of democratisation and development of party system. The strict and exclusive application of the Weberian categories masks changes that are important, albeit difficult to measure. With regard to the transformation of the world of politics in the nineteenth century Cieger concludes that the difference (‘lagging’) between the two halves of Europe is not as great as is portrayed in traditional scholarship.

The study is based on the prosopographic analysis of the leading political groups (lord lieutenants, sub-prefects, members of parliament) in the counties of Bereg, Ugocsa, Ung and Máramaros under dualism. In the focus of the paper is the interpretation of different techniques of local elite recruitment and individual interest validation and the three most typical recruitment channels and processes that were revealed by examining the career paths. Mapping the network of relatives demonstrates the closed nature of local elites, however, the examination of how key positions in the local political elite were filled, points at the effective self-recruiting ability of elite families. In spite of these facts, by drawing on counter-examples, this study urges to refine the simplifying image according to which networks of relatives played an exclusive role in the distribution of political functions and in decision-making. On the other hand, networks based on membership in associations played a huge role as well. This study takes a closer look at the life and social composition of county casinos and free masonry lodges as well, since local political, economic and cultural elites took an active part these. Finally, the study presents the compromise between local interests and central power (as a regional specialty): counties of the region began to expect from the election of „famous” people or „unknown” persons provided with influential connections but lacking local connections that they would represent local interests better. The most important conclusion of the paper is that even around the end of the period one can rather talk about political elites bound to that locality than about a regional leading stratum cultivating intensive, cross-county relations.